4289. Robert Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 8 December 1824

 

MS: MS has not survived; text taken from the Courier, 13 December 1824
Previously published: Courier, 13 December 1824; Robert Southey, Essays, Moral and Political, 2 vols (London, 1832), II, pp. 196–205; Charles Cuthbert Southey (ed.), Life and Correspondence of Robert Southey, 6 vols (London, 1849–1850), V, pp. 354–361. 
Note on MS: Two draft manuscript copies of this letter survive, Huntington Library, HM6655. See Appendix 4 for their texts.
Note on the text: The letter was widely reprinted during Southey’s lifetime, including in ‘Southey and Byron’, Blackwoods Edinburgh Magazine,16 ( December 1824), vol. 16, 712–715; William Benbow, A Scourge for the Laureate, in reply to his infamous letter of the 13th of December, 1824, meanly abusive of the deceased Lord Byron (London, [1824]), pp. i–iv; George Gordon Byron, The Life, Writings, Opinions, and Times of the Right Hon. George Gordon Noel Byron, 3 vols (London, 1825), III, pp. 379–388; George Clinton, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Lord Byron (London, 1828), pp. 484–489.


SIR, – On two former occasions you have allowed me, through the channel of your Journal, to contradict a calumnious accusation as publicly as it had been preferred:

(1)

See Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 16 June 1815, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey, Part Four, Letter 2616; and Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 5 January 1822, Letter 3776.

and though, in these days of slander, such things hardly deserve refutation, there are reasons which induce me once more to request a similar favour.

Some extracts from Captain Medwin’s recent publication of Lord Byron’s Conversations

(2)

Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (1824).

have been transmitted to me by a friend, who, happening to know what the facts are which are there falsified, is of opinion that it would not misbecome me to state them at this time. I wish it, however, to be distinctly understood, that in so doing I am not influenced by any desire of vindicating myself; that would be wholly unnecessary, considering from what quarter the charges come. I notice them for the sake of laying before the public one sample more of the practices of the Satanic School,

(3)

A Vision of Judgement (London, 1821), ‘Preface’, pp. xvii–xxii, where Southey denounced ‘the Satanic School’ of modern poetry, without naming any one poet. However, this was clearly a riposte to Byron’s Don Juan (1819), whose suppressed ‘Dedication’, mocking Southey, had circulated widely.

and shewing what credit is due to Lord Byron’s assertions. For that his Lordship spoke to this effect, and in this temper, I have no doubt; Captain Medwin having, I dare say, to the best of his recollection, faithfully performed the worshipful office of retailing all the effusions of spleen, slander, and malignity, which were vented in his presence. Lord Byron is the person who suffers most by this; and, indeed, what man is there whose character would remain uninjured if every peevish or angry expression, every sportive or extravagant sally, thrown off in the unsuspicious and imagined safety of private life, were to be secretly noted down, and published, with no notice of circumstances to shew how they had arisen, and when no explanation was possible? One of the offices which has been attributed to the devil, is that of thus registering every idle word.

(4)

From the thirteenth century onwards the ‘writing devil’, or Titivillus, was a common figure in European art, literature and architecture. His role was to record idle words, unprofitable speech and the names of sinners.

There is an end of all confidence or comfort, in social intercourse, if such a practice is to be tolerated by public opinion. When I take these conversations to be authentic, it is because, as far as I am concerned, they accord, both in matter and spirit, with what his Lordship himself had written and published; and it is on this account, only, that I deem them worthy of notice – the last notice that I shall ever bestow upon the subject. Let there be as many “More Last Words of Mr. Baxter,” as the “reading public” may choose to pay for,

(5)

The Spectator, 445 (31 July 1712), 1: ‘I remember upon Mr. Baxter’s death, there was published a sheet of very good sayings, inscribed, The Last Words of Mr. Baxter. The title sold so great a number of these papers, that about a week after, there came out a second sheet, inscribed, More Last Words of Mr. Baxter.’ This refers to Richard Baxter (1615–1691; DNB), Puritan leader and theologian.

they will draw forth no further reply from me.

Now then to the point. – The following speech is reported by Captain Medwin, as Lord Byron’s: –

“I am glad Mr. Southey owns that article*

(6)

Southey adds a note: ‘* A volume of Poems by Mr. Leigh Hunt. The reader, who may be desirous of referring to the article, will find it in the 18th vol. of the Quarterly Review, p. 324.’ [Editors’ note: A review of James Henry Leigh Hunt, Foliage; or, Poems Original and Translated (1818), Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355, published 9 June 1818. The reviewer was John Taylor Coleridge.]

on ‘Foliage,’ which excited my choler so much. But who else could have been the author? Who but Southey would have had the baseness, under pretext of reviewing the work of one man, insidiously to make it a nest-egg for hatching malicious calumnies against others?

(7)

Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355 (328–329), contained an extended attack on Byron and Shelley, without naming them. Byron was accused of ingratitude, denigrating marriage, and committing adultery and incest with his sister; Shelley, of being expelled from university for atheism, breaking the heart of his wife by ‘cruelty and infidelity’ and of describing himself as an atheist in a visitors book after viewing sublime mountain scenery. This last accusation referred to Mont Auvert, a summit near the Mer de Glace and a popular tourist destination. At its top was a small building in whi…

I say nothing of the critique itself on ‘Foliage;’ but what was the object of that article? I repeat, to vilify and scatter his dark and devilish insinuations against me and others. Shame on the man who could wound an already bleeding heart – be barbarous enough to revive the memory of an event that Shelley was perfectly innocent of – and found scandal on falsehood! Shelley taxed him with writing that article some years ago; and he had the audacity to admit that he had treasured up some opinions of Shelley, ten years before, when he was on a visit at Keswick, and had made a note of them at the time.”

(8)

Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 149–150.

The reviewal in question I did not write.Lord Byron might have known this if he had enquired of Mr. Murray, who would readily have assured him that I was not the author: and he might have known it from the reviewal itself, where the writer declares, in plain words, that he was a contemporary of Shelley’s, at Eton.

(9)

Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355 (327): ‘At Eton we remember him notorious for setting fire to old trees with burning glasses, no unmeet emblem for a man who perverts his ingenuity and knowledge to the attacking of all that is ancient and venerable in our civil and religious institutions.’

I had no concern in it, directly or indirectly; but let it not be inferred that, in thus disclaiming that paper, any disapproval of it is intended. Papers in the Quarterly Review have been ascribed to me, (those on Keates’s Poems, for example),

(10)

The review of John Keats (1795–1821; DNB), Endymion (1818), Quarterly Review, 19 (April 1818), 204–208, published 26 September 1818, was by John Wilson Croker.

which I have heartily condemned, both for their spirit and manner. But, for the one in question, its composition would be creditable to the most distinguished writer; nor is there any thing either in the opinions expressed, or in the manner of expressing them, which a man of just and honourable principles would have hesitated to advance. I would not have written that part of it which alludes to Mr. Shelley, because, having met him on familiar terms, and parted with him in kindness,

(11)

Shelley had stayed in Keswick from November 1811 to February 1812 and met Southey a number of times.

(a feeling of which Lord Byron had no conception), would have withheld me from animadverting in that manner upon his conduct. In other respects, the paper contains nothing that I would not have avowed if I had written, or subscribed, as entirely assenting to, and approving, it.

It is not true that Shelley ever inquired of me whether I was the author of that paper, which, purporting, as it did, to be written by an Etonian of his own standing, he very well knew I was not. But in this part of Lord Byron’s statement there may be some mistake, mingled with a great deal of malignant falsehood. Mr. Shelley addressed a letter to me from Pisa, asking if I were the author of a criticism in the Quarterly Review upon his Revolt of Islam;

(12)

In a letter of 26 June 1820, Shelley had accused Southey of writing a hostile review of Laon and Cythna, or the Revolution of the Golden City (1817; published late 1818) and The Revolt of Islam. A Poem, in Twelve Cantos (1818); see Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. 358–359. This review had appeared in the Quarterly Review, 21 (April 1819), 460–471, published 10 September 1819, and its author was, once again, John Taylor Coleridge.

not exactly, in Lord Byron’s phrase, taxing me with it, for he declared his own belief that I was not, but added, that he was induced to ask the question by the positive declaration of some friends in England that the article was mine. Denying, in my reply,

(13)

Southey to Percy Bysshe Shelley, [c. 29 July 1820], The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Six, Letter 3517.

that either he or any other person was entitled to propose such a question upon such grounds, I, nevertheless, assured him that I had not written the paper, and that I had never, in any of my writings, alluded to him in any way.

Now for the assertion that I had the audacity to admit having treasured up some of Shelley’s opinions, when he resided at Keswick, and having made notes of them at the time. What truth is mixed up with the slander of this statement I shall immediately explain; premising only, that, as the opinion there implied, concerning the practise of noting down familiar conversation, is not applicable to me, I transfer it to Captain Medwin, for his own especial use.

Mr. Shelley having, in the letter alluded to, thought proper to make some remarks upon my opinions, I took occasion, in reply, to comment upon his, and to ask him (as the tree is known by its fruits)

(14)

Luke 6: 44 and Matthew 7: 16.

whether he had found them conducive to his own happiness, and the happiness of those with whom he had been most nearly connected. This produced a second letter from him,

(15)

Shelley to Southey, 17 August 1820, Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. 361–363.

written in a tone, partly of justification, partly of attack. I replied to this also

(16)

Southey to Percy Bysshe Shelley, 12 October 1820, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Six, Letter 3538.

– not by any such absurd admission as Lord Byron has stated – but by recapitulating to him, as a practical illustration of his principles, the leading circumstances of his own life, from the commencement of his career at University College.

(17)

Shelley matriculated at University College, Oxford, on 10 April 1810 but was sent down in November 1811 following a furore over his pamphlet, The Necessity of Atheism (1811).

The earlier facts I stated upon his own authority, as I had heard them from his own lips; the latter were of public notoriety. There the correspondence ended. On his part it had been conducted with the courtesy which was natural to him – on mine, in the spirit of one who was earnestly admonishing a fellow-creature.

This is the correspondence upon which Lord Byron’s misrepresentation has been constructed. It is all that ever past between us, except a note from Shelley, some years before, accompanying a copy of his Alastor, and one of mine in acknowledgment of it.

(18)

Alastor; or the Spirit of Solitude (1816), no. 2547 in the sale catalogue of Southey’s library. Shelley had sent Southey a copy on 7 March 1816; see Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. [357]. Southey’s reply does not survive.

I have preserved his letter, together with copies of my own; and, if I had as little consideration for the feelings of the living as Capt. Medwin has displayed, it is not any tenderness towards the dead †

(19)

Southey adds a note: † In the Preface to his Monody on Keates, Shelley, as I have been informed, asserts, that I was the author of the criticism in the Quarterly Review, upon that young man’s poems, and that his death was occasioned by it. There was a degree of meanness in this, (especially considering the temper and tenour of our correspondence), which I was not then prepared to expect from Shelly[sic], for that he believed me to be the author of that paper, I certainly do not believe. He was once, for a short time, my neighbour. I met him upon terms, not of friendship indeed, but, certainly…

that would withhold me now from publishing them.

It is not likely that Shelley should have communicated my part of this correspondence to Lord Byron, even if he did his own. Bearing testimony, as his heart did, to the truth of my statements in every point, and impossible as it was to escape from the conclusion which was there brought home, I do not think he would have dared produce it. How much, or how little, of the truth was known to his Lordship, or with which of the party at Pisa the insolent and calumnious misrepresentation conveyed in his Lordship’s words originated, is of little consequence.

The charge of scattering dark and devilish insinuations is one which, if Lord Byron were living, I would throw back in his teeth. Me he had assailed without the slightest provocation, and with that unmanliness too which was peculiar to him; and in this course he might have gone on without giving me the slightest uneasiness, or calling forth one animadversion in reply. When I came forward to attack his Lordship, it was upon public, not upon private, grounds.

(20)

A Vision of Judgement (London, 1821), ‘Preface’, pp. xvii–xxii, where Southey denounced ‘the Satanic School’ of modern poetry, without naming any one poet.

He is pleased, however, to suppose that he had “mortally offended” Mr. Wordsworth and myself many years ago, by a letter which he had written to the Ettrick Shepherd. “Certain it is,” he says, “that I did not spare the Lakists in it, and he told me that he could not resist the temptation, and had shown it to the fraternity. It was too tempting; and, as I could never keep a secret of my own (as you know), much less that of other people, I could not blame him. I remember saying, among other things, that the Lake Poets were such fools as not to fish in their own waters. But this was the least offensive part of the epistle.”

(21)

Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 194–195.

No such epistle was ever shown either to Mr. Wordsworth or to me: but I remember (and this passage brings it to my recollection) to have heard that Lord Byron had spoken of us, in a letter to Hogg, with some contempt, as fellows who could neither vie with him for skill in angling, nor for prowess in swimming.

(22)

This letter from Byron to Hogg does not survive, though Henry Crabb Robinson recorded on 1 December 1816: ‘Cargill [Richard Cargill (c. 1794–1843), a former pupil of Thelwall and later a clergyman in Liverpool] was telling me the other day that in a letter written by Lord Byron to Hogg the Ettrick Shepherd, in his rattling way he wrote: ‘Wordsworth – stupendous genius! damned fool! These poets run about their ponds though they cannot fish. I am told there is not one who can angle – damned fools!’ (Edith J. Morley (ed.), Henry Crabb Robinson on Books and their Writers, 3 vols (London, 1938), I,…

– Nothing more than this came to my hearing; and I must have been more sensitive than his Lordship himself could I have been offended by it. Lord Byron must have known that I had the flocci of his eulogium

(23)

Byron greatly admired Southey’s Roderick, the Last of the Goths (1814); see Southey to John Murray, 4 December 1814, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Four, Letter 2510.

to balance the nauci of his scorn; and that the one would have nihili-pili-fied the other, even if I had not well understood the worthlessness of both.

(24)

‘floccinaucinihilipilification’ was a joke word (apparently from Eton College schoolboys), made up from synonymous Latin stems and meaning ‘the act of estimating something as worthless.’

It was because Lord Byron had brought a stigma upon English literature, that I accused him; because he had perverted great talents to the worst purposes; because he had set up for pander-general to the youth of Great Britain as long as his writings should endure; because he had committed a high crime and misdemeanour against society, by sending forth a work,

(25)

Byron’s Don Juan (1819).

in which mockery was mingled with horrors, filth with impiety, profligacy with sedition and slander. For these offences I came forward to arraign him. The accusation was not made darkly, it was not insinuated, nor was it advanced under the cover of a review. I attacked him openly in my own name, and only not by his, because he had not then publicly avowed the flagitious production, by which he will be remembered for lasting infamy. He replied in a manner altogether worthy of himself and his cause.

(26)

In the ‘Appendix’ to ‘The Two Foscari’, Sardanapulus, A Tragedy. The Two Foscari, A Tragedy. Cain, A Mystery (London, 1821), p. 328, Byron had cautioned: ‘I am not ignorant of Mr. Southey’s calumnies on a different occasion, knowing them to be such, which he scattered abroad on his return from Switzerland against me and others.’ Southey had visited Switzerland in his continental tour of May–August 1817. Byron believed that Southey had subsequently spread rumours that Byron and Shelley engaged in a ‘League of Incest’.

Contention with a generous and honourable opponent leads naturally to esteem, and probably to friendship; but, next to such an antagonist, an enemy like Lord Byron is to be desired; one, who, by his conduct in the contest, divests himself of every claim to respect; one, whose baseness is such as to sanctify the vindictive feeling that it provokes, and upon whom the act of taking vengeance, is that of administering justice. I answered him as he deserved to be answered,

(27)

Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 5 January 1822, Letter 3776.

and the effect which that answer produced upon his Lordship, has been described by his faithful Chronicler, Capt. Medwin.

(28)

Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 147–149, described Byron’s rage at Southey’s 1822 letter to the Courier (Letter 3776) and his discussion of whether to challenge Southey to a duel.

This is the real history of what the purveyors of scandal for the public are pleased sometimes to announce in their advertisements as “Byron’s Controversy with Southey.” What there was dark and devilish in it belongs to his Lordship; and had I been compelled to resume it during his life, he, who played the monster in literature, and aimed his blows at women, should have been treated accordingly. “The Republican Trio,”

(29)

Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey.

says Lord Byron, “when they began to publish in common, were to have had a community of all things,

(30)

A reference to Southey and Coleridge’s scheme in 1794–1795 to found a Pantisocratic society in America, where property would be held in common.

like the Ancient Britons – to have lived in a state of nature like savages – and peopled some island of the blest with children in common like – – .

(31)

Julius Caesar (100–44 BC), Commentarii de Bello Gallico, Book 5, lines 8–12, claimed the British tribes he encountered on his invasion in 54 BC practised polyandry – Byron is implying that Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey planned to do the same in America.

A very pretty Arcadian notion!”

(32)

Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), p. 194.

I may be excused for wishing that Lord Byron had published this himself: but though he is responsible for the atrocious falsehood, he is not for its posthumous publication. I shall only observe, therefore, that the slander is as worthy of his Lordship, as the scheme itself would have been. Nor would I have condescended to notice it even thus, were it not to show how little this calumniator knew concerning the objects of his uneasy and restless hatred. Mr. Wordsworth and I were strangers to each other, even by name, when he represents us as engaged in a Satanic confederacy, and we never published any thing in common.

Here I dismiss the subject. It might have been thought that Lord Byron had attained the last degree of disgrace when his head was set up for a sign at one of those preparatory schools for the brothel and the gallows; where obscenity, sedition, and blasphemy, are retailed in drams for the vulgar.

(33)

William Benbow (1787–1864; DNB), the radical publisher and pornographer, called his shop in Castle Street, Leicester Square, ‘The Byron’s Head’ and imprints from his press contained this address.

There remained one further shame: there remained this exposure of his Private Conversations, which has compelled his Lordship’s friends, in their own defence, to compare his oral declarations with his written words,

(34)

Southey may be thinking here in particular of John Murray’s letter of 2 November 1824, which appeared in many papers, including the Courier, 5 November 1824, and compared Medwin’s reports of Byron’s statements with letters exchanged between Murray and Byron.

and thereby demonstrate that he was as regardless of truth as he was incapable of sustaining those feelings suited to his birth, station, and high endowments, which sometimes came across his better mind.

Keswick, Dec. 8, 1824. ROBERT SOUTHEY

Notes

1. See Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 16 June 1815, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey, Part Four, Letter 2616; and Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 5 January 1822, Letter 3776.[back]
2. Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (1824).[back]
3. A Vision of Judgement (London, 1821), ‘Preface’, pp. xvii–xxii, where Southey denounced ‘the Satanic School’ of modern poetry, without naming any one poet. However, this was clearly a riposte to Byron’s Don Juan (1819), whose suppressed ‘Dedication’, mocking Southey, had circulated widely.[back]
4. From the thirteenth century onwards the ‘writing devil’, or Titivillus, was a common figure in European art, literature and architecture. His role was to record idle words, unprofitable speech and the names of sinners.[back]
5. The Spectator, 445 (31 July 1712), 1: ‘I remember upon Mr. Baxter’s death, there was published a sheet of very good sayings, inscribed, The Last Words of Mr. Baxter. The title sold so great a number of these papers, that about a week after, there came out a second sheet, inscribed, More Last Words of Mr. Baxter.’ This refers to Richard Baxter (1615–1691; DNB), Puritan leader and theologian.[back]
6. Southey adds a note: ‘* A volume of Poems by Mr. Leigh Hunt. The reader, who may be desirous of referring to the article, will find it in the 18th vol. of the Quarterly Review, p. 324.’ [Editors’ note: A review of James Henry Leigh Hunt, Foliage; or, Poems Original and Translated (1818), Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355, published 9 June 1818. The reviewer was John Taylor Coleridge.][back]
7. Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355 (328–329), contained an extended attack on Byron and Shelley, without naming them. Byron was accused of ingratitude, denigrating marriage, and committing adultery and incest with his sister; Shelley, of being expelled from university for atheism, breaking the heart of his wife by ‘cruelty and infidelity’ and of describing himself as an atheist in a visitors book after viewing sublime mountain scenery. This last accusation referred to Mont Auvert, a summit near the Mer de Glace and a popular tourist destination. At its top was a small building in which travellers could take shelter. It contained an album in which visitors could write their names and comments. Shelley had visited in July 1816 and had written the names of his party in the album and against them the phrase, in Greek, ‘Atheists one and all.’ Southey had recorded this information in his travel journal on 26 June 1817 and conveyed it in Southey to John May, 1 August 1817, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Five, Letter 3005. John May then probably told John Taylor Coleridge, author of the Quarterly Review article.[back]
8. Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 149–150.[back]
9. Quarterly Review, 18 (January 1818), 324–355 (327): ‘At Eton we remember him notorious for setting fire to old trees with burning glasses, no unmeet emblem for a man who perverts his ingenuity and knowledge to the attacking of all that is ancient and venerable in our civil and religious institutions.’[back]
10. The review of John Keats (1795–1821; DNB), Endymion (1818), Quarterly Review, 19 (April 1818), 204–208, published 26 September 1818, was by John Wilson Croker.[back]
11. Shelley had stayed in Keswick from November 1811 to February 1812 and met Southey a number of times.[back]
12. In a letter of 26 June 1820, Shelley had accused Southey of writing a hostile review of Laon and Cythna, or the Revolution of the Golden City (1817; published late 1818) and The Revolt of Islam. A Poem, in Twelve Cantos (1818); see Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. 358–359. This review had appeared in the Quarterly Review, 21 (April 1819), 460–471, published 10 September 1819, and its author was, once again, John Taylor Coleridge.[back]
13. Southey to Percy Bysshe Shelley, [c. 29 July 1820], The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Six, Letter 3517.[back]
14. Luke 6: 44 and Matthew 7: 16.[back]
15. Shelley to Southey, 17 August 1820, Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. 361–363.[back]
16. Southey to Percy Bysshe Shelley, 12 October 1820, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Six, Letter 3538.[back]
17. Shelley matriculated at University College, Oxford, on 10 April 1810 but was sent down in November 1811 following a furore over his pamphlet, The Necessity of Atheism (1811).[back]
18. Alastor; or the Spirit of Solitude (1816), no. 2547 in the sale catalogue of Southey’s library. Shelley had sent Southey a copy on 7 March 1816; see Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin and London, 1881), pp. [357]. Southey’s reply does not survive.[back]
19. Southey adds a note: † In the Preface to his Monody on Keates, Shelley, as I have been informed, asserts, that I was the author of the criticism in the Quarterly Review, upon that young man’s poems, and that his death was occasioned by it. There was a degree of meanness in this, (especially considering the temper and tenour of our correspondence), which I was not then prepared to expect from Shelly[sic], for that he believed me to be the author of that paper, I certainly do not believe. He was once, for a short time, my neighbour. I met him upon terms, not of friendship indeed, but, certainly, of mutual good will. I admired his talents; thought that he would outgrow his errors (perilous as they were), and trusted that, meantime, a kind and generous heart would resist the effect of fatal opinions which he had taken up in ignorance and boyhood. Herein I was mistaken. But when I ceased to regard him with hope, he became to me an object for sorrow and awful commiseration, not of any injurious or unkind feeling; and when I expressed myself with just severity concerning him, it was in direct communication to himself. [Editors’ note: Percy Shelley, ‘Preface’, Adonais. An Elegy on the Death of John Keats, Author of Endymion,Hyperion, Etc (London, 1821), p. 4, though this did not explicitly (mis)attribute authorship to Southey of the notorious review of John Keats (1795–1821; DNB), Endymion (1818) in Quarterly Review, 19 (April 1818), 204–208. The review’s author was, in fact, John Wilson Croker.][back]
20. A Vision of Judgement (London, 1821), ‘Preface’, pp. xvii–xxii, where Southey denounced ‘the Satanic School’ of modern poetry, without naming any one poet.[back]
21. Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 194–195.[back]
22. This letter from Byron to Hogg does not survive, though Henry Crabb Robinson recorded on 1 December 1816: ‘Cargill [Richard Cargill (c. 1794–1843), a former pupil of Thelwall and later a clergyman in Liverpool] was telling me the other day that in a letter written by Lord Byron to Hogg the Ettrick Shepherd, in his rattling way he wrote: ‘Wordsworth – stupendous genius! damned fool! These poets run about their ponds though they cannot fish. I am told there is not one who can angle – damned fools!’ (Edith J. Morley (ed.), Henry Crabb Robinson on Books and their Writers, 3 vols (London, 1938), I, p. 199). Cargill had visited Wordsworth in the summer of 1816.[back]
23. Byron greatly admired Southey’s Roderick, the Last of the Goths (1814); see Southey to John Murray, 4 December 1814, The Collected Letters of Robert Southey. Part Four, Letter 2510.[back]
24. ‘floccinaucinihilipilification’ was a joke word (apparently from Eton College schoolboys), made up from synonymous Latin stems and meaning ‘the act of estimating something as worthless.’[back]
25. Byron’s Don Juan (1819).[back]
26. In the ‘Appendix’ to ‘The Two Foscari’, Sardanapulus, A Tragedy. The Two Foscari, A Tragedy. Cain, A Mystery (London, 1821), p. 328, Byron had cautioned: ‘I am not ignorant of Mr. Southey’s calumnies on a different occasion, knowing them to be such, which he scattered abroad on his return from Switzerland against me and others.’ Southey had visited Switzerland in his continental tour of May–August 1817. Byron believed that Southey had subsequently spread rumours that Byron and Shelley engaged in a ‘League of Incest’.[back]
27. Southey to the Editor of the Courier, 5 January 1822, Letter 3776.[back]
28. Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), pp. 147–149, described Byron’s rage at Southey’s 1822 letter to the Courier (Letter 3776) and his discussion of whether to challenge Southey to a duel.[back]
29. Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey.[back]
30. A reference to Southey and Coleridge’s scheme in 1794–1795 to found a Pantisocratic society in America, where property would be held in common.[back]
31. Julius Caesar (100–44 BC), Commentarii de Bello Gallico, Book 5, lines 8–12, claimed the British tribes he encountered on his invasion in 54 BC practised polyandry – Byron is implying that Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey planned to do the same in America.[back]
32. Thomas Medwin (1788–1869; DNB), Journal of the Conversations of Lord Byron: Noted During a Residence with his Lordship at Pisa, in the Years 1821 and 1822 (London, 1824), p. 194.[back]
33. William Benbow (1787–1864; DNB), the radical publisher and pornographer, called his shop in Castle Street, Leicester Square, ‘The Byron’s Head’ and imprints from his press contained this address.[back]
34. Southey may be thinking here in particular of John Murray’s letter of 2 November 1824, which appeared in many papers, including the Courier, 5 November 1824, and compared Medwin’s reports of Byron’s statements with letters exchanged between Murray and Byron.[back]
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