Index of Key People and Places in Rydal Journals Notebook 1 (DCMS 104.1, 1824–1825)

 

This index introduces those individuals who appear most frequently in Notebook 1, focusing especially on their relationship with Dorothy Wordsworth in 1824–1825. Each entry begins with the person’s name (noting maiden names with “née”), birth and death years, age he or she turned in 1825, and, when applicable, a link to the entry for said person in the online Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. General bios for many of these can be found in this edition’s Biographical Index.

 

The Household at Rydal Mount

Wordsworth, William (1770–1850, age 55): DW’s older brother, with whom she had shared a home since 1795. In his mid-fifties, WW’s literary reputation and audience were still steadily expanding, and he continued to write new poems and rework old ones, including the revisions to The Excursion chronicled in Notebook 1.

(1)

RJ, 4 June 1825 (and note); Letters, 4:354.

Although chronic eye pain often made it difficult for him to read and DW remarked in 1825 that he was “much thinner than he used to be, and this makes him look old,” the poet generally remained as hale and hearty as his sister.

(2)

Letters, 4:332.

Beyond his literary commitments, WW devoted considerable energy during this period to his duties as Distributor of Stamps for Westmorland and his extensive engagement with local and national politics.

Wordsworth, Mary (née Hutchinson, 1770–1859, age 55): WW’s wife, who before meeting her husband had been DW’s friend when they were teenagers in Penrith. Like the other adults in her household, MW was increasingly prone to wanderlust as her children came of age, and for much of the 1820s she, DW, and SH essentially alternated being on duty at RM while the others traveled. With it being DW’s turn to stay at home in 1825, MW spent most of that summer and fall with friends and family at Kents Bank on the Cartmel Peninsula, Harrogate spa in Yorkshire, and Coleorton Hall in Leicestershire. Accordingly, she appears less frequently in Notebook 1 than in many subsequent sections of the RJ.

Wordsworth, John (1803–75, age 22): The eldest child of WW and MW who, while less spirited than his younger siblings and less brilliant than his childhood companions Hartley and Sara Coleridge, was a dutiful son and kindhearted brother and nephew. Any expectations that he would follow his father’s and uncle Christopher’s path to Cambridge were foiled by John’s struggles with mathematics, a subject emphasized more heavily there than at other universities. Accordingly, in 1823, WW used family connections to secure his son’s admission to New College, Oxford.

(3)

Barker, 559–60.

While John was still enrolled, his parents kept him at home for much of 1825 owing to a reported typhus outbreak at Oxford. This left him largely carefree, and DW’s journal suggests he spent much of his time both with old friends and with Fanny Barlow, a pretty young heiress who arrived in the area in early 1825.

Wordsworth, Dora (1804–47, age 21): WW and MW’s second child and only surviving daughter, whom Hartley Coleridge described in 1824 as “a very pleasing girl—simple and affectionate; uniting her Aunt Sarah’s shrewdness to her mother’s gentleness.”

(4)

LHC, 87.

After spending part of 1823–24 working in Ambleside as a teacher at the Dowlings’ school, Dora moved back to RM, where, when healthy, she helped her mother and aunts with household chores and her father compose letters and copy poems. For much of the decade covered by the RJ, her chronic illnesses dominated the family’s domestic routines and travel schedules. In the summer of 1825, for instance, the Wordsworths spent two months at a rental home at Kents Bank on Morecambe Bay largely for her health. In the short term, the rest and sea air appear to have helped, as during this vacation a revitalized Dora formed the most intense attachment of her young life with the family’s new friend Jane Jewsbury.

(5)

The depth and immediacy of Dora’s attachment to Jewsbury is apparent both in the satirical newspaper they co-wrote that summer at Kents Bank (see WLMS A / Jewsbury, Maria Jane / 52) and in their frank, exuberant, and ardent correspondence in the months that followed.

And, still rejuvenated after returning to RM, she caught the eye of Lt. Tom Robinson, a distant cousin spending his shore leave at his brother’s home in Ambleside. In general, DW remained characteristically discrete about this budding relationship, but, if there is any prevailing theme to the final segment of Notebook 1, it is how inseparable Dora and Tom became throughout the fall of 1825.

Wordsworth, Willy (1810–83, age 15): WW and MW’s youngest child, who, while decidedly unbookish in his mid-teens, had become an avid sportsman and a jovial companion. Still haunted by the 1812 deaths of their third and fourth children, his parents tended to be overprotective with Willy, which resulted in his being largely educated at home rather than exposed to contagion at a boarding school. In late 1823 DW reported that her then-13-year-old nephew “continues stout and well, and improves as much in scholarship as can be expected . . . of one so lively and volatile as he is.”

(6)

Letters, 4:239.

By May 1825, however, she worried about his anxious mother’s lingering inclination to clip his wings, writing, “Willy [is] strong and lively – but poor thing! his mother is often haunted by inward fears.”

(7)

Letters, 4:345.

Hutchinson, Sara (1775–1835, age 50): A younger sister of MW who, having never married, spent much of her adult life with the Wordsworths. In middle age she had lost none of the brilliance and wit that had once captivated Coleridge; and, while she was never thought a great beauty, her sister MW opined in September 1824 that she was “looking better than I have seen her for many years.”

(8)

LMW, 117. SH’s satirical gifts are evident throughout virtually every page of LSH.

Like her friend and housemate, SH was heavily involved in raising her nieces and nephews both at RM and beyond. While her permanent residence was in Rydal, she was quick to go where needed, which led to her spending a two-and-a-half-year stretch of the mid-1820s (February 1823–August 1825) away from home. At the outset of Notebook 1, she was in Devon helping to nurse her dying cousin Tom Monkhouse. After his passing in February 1825, she spent the next six months in the Midlands comforting the deceased’s siblings, John Monkhouse and Mary Hutchinson, and helping her brother Tom’s young family move from Hindwell, their longtime farm home in eastern Wales, to Brinsop Court, their new farmhouse across the border in Herefordshire.

 

 

Family, Friends, and Acquaintances Near Rydal

Barber, Samuel (1771–1832, age 54): A Grasmere bachelor whose 1832 obituary would describe him as “a gentleman of rather eccentric habits and whose residence was well known to the numerous visitors of the English lakes, as one of the most beautiful cottages in the lake districts.”

(9)

Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 17 Mar. 1832. For the original owner and construction of Gell’s Cottage (now known as Silverhow), see GJ, 161–62.

Mr. Barber’s father, a clothier of Wrexham, Wales, died when he was just two, and four years later his mother, Penelope (née Jones, d. 1813), married Charles Woollam, a merchant from nearby Chester who apparently raised his step-sons—Samuel and his younger brother, Watkin Robert—as his own, advertising in early 1796 that he had “taken his kinsman, Samuel Barber, into partnership” in his mercery and drapery business.

(10)

Chester Courant, 12 Jan. 1796. Over the years, Woollam sold a range of products, including flax, soap, iron, fire insurance, and silk (see advertisements in the Chester Courant for 3 Nov. 1767, 19 Nov. 1776, 29 Oct. 1782, and 2 Oct. 1787).

After Woollam’s passing in late 1797, Penelope stepped in as her son’s partner, and, between their thriving mercantile concerns and a silk-throwing manufactory Woollam had started in St. Albans, they became sufficiently wealthy that in his thirties Mr. Barber could exchange the life of a provincial tradesman for that of a London and Paris dandy.

(11)

Penelope Woollam announced the new partnership in the Chester Courant for 26 Dec. 1797. The amusing life sketch that Edward Quillinan wrote in his journal on the day of Barber’s passing (6 Mar. 1832) mentions his adventures in London and Paris (WLMS 13 / 2), and an 1808 property deed lists Samuel and his brother Watkin Robert Barber residing on Throgmorton St. in central London (Denbighshire Archives, item #DD/PP/138). The brothers may have originally moved there to manage the silk-throwing operation in nearby St. Albans.

For unknown reasons, though, he decided in 1808 to forsake the buzz of the metropolis for the quiet of the Lakes, buying Gell’s Cottage in Grasmere from its namesake and commencing what became a never-ending series of expansions and improvements to the home.

(12)

See MW’s complaint in early 1824 that Mr. Barber’s obsessive renovations were “too ridiculous for anything” (LMW, 107).

Over the ensuing decades, this neighbor, whom DW described in 1821 as “the gayest Bachelor you ever saw,” became an intimate friend of the family at RM and a beloved, if eccentric, uncle figure for the children of WW and MW.

(13)

Letters, 4:33.

Barlow, Frances (née Bayley, 1784–1863, age 41) and Fanny (1807–52, age 18):  A well-to-do widow and her teenaged daughter who entered the Wordsworths’ social world soon after leasing The Wood in Troutbeck in early 1825. Mrs. Barlow hailed from a wealthy Presbyterian family from Manchester that made its fortune in cotton, and her inheritance made her a suitable match for John Barlow, heir to Middlethorpe Hall in Yorkshire. When he died six years after their 1807 marriage, she and her only child, Fanny, were forced to vacate Middlethorpe; but after the last male heir died in early 1824, Fanny suddenly stood to inherit the estate upon her twenty-first birthday.

(14)

See Worsley, “Middlethorpe”; the Barlows’ marriage notice in Leeds Intelligencer for 12 January 1807; and John Barlow’s obit. in Stamford Mercury for 30 April 1813.

Upon the Barlows’ arrival in Troutbeck, the Wordsworths were quick to befriend both mother and daughter, even inviting them to join them on holiday at Kents Bank in the summer of 1825. Afterwards, Dora mused, “I do like Miss Barlow but the ‘attachment’ is at its height – and it will never go beyond liking I fear.”

(15)

Letters, 4:378.

Her brother John, on the other hand, was positively smitten with the 17-year-old heiress, with SH marveling at how her normally reserved nephew sprang to life whenever Miss Barlow was present. “I never saw anyone so changed as he,” she quipped, positing that “no Lark can be more lively & agreeable.”

(16)

WLL / Hutchinson, Sara / 2 / 110a.

Campbell, Lt.-Col. Archibald (1776–1840, age 49) and Anne (née Blachford, 1786–1827, age 39): A widely respected couple—he a Scottish veteran of the Peninsular Wars and she a gentleman’s daughter from the Isle of Wight—who, three years after their 1817 marriage, took the lease of Allan Bank in Grasmere.

(17)

Letters, 4:225.

Their entry into local society was gradual, as a year after their arrival MW still vaguely described them as “a large Scotch family of Consideration, with Carriages, etc.”

(18)

LMW, 82.

By 1825, however, they and the Wordsworths had grown sufficiently friendly that, upon learning the Campbells would be leaving Grasmere by year’s end for a posting in India, the entire family at RM was, according to Dora, “grieved to lose” these “excellent neighbours.”

(19)

WLL / Wordsworth, Dora / 1 / 2.

Mrs. Campbell would die at sea in March 1827 aboard a ship returning from India, and, after retiring to his native Isle of Mull, the colonel kept up an occasional correspondence with the Wordsworths until his passing in 1840.

(20)

Letters, 5:79, 428; LMW, 228; obits. in Hampshire Chronicle, 30 July 1827 and City Chronicle, 1 Dec. 1840.

Carr, Thomas (1795–1856, age 30) and Ann (née Dowling, 1784–1837, age 41): A pair of Ambleside professionals, both associates of the Wordsworths, who married in February 1824. Partly because she was eleven years his senior, their common friends were still adjusting to the idea of their union a year later, as suggested by Sara Coleridge’s tartly remarking in April 1825 that the Carrs “are both estimable persons, when viewed separately, but seen as man & wife they are absurd enough.”

(21)

WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9. In the same letter, she called Mr. Carr “a treasure” of the area, reporting that “the Wordsworths & other persons who have had experience of his good sense, & skill in his profession, have the highest opinion of both.” See also Letters, 4:31, 63.

The former Miss Dowling became acquainted with WW in 1812 while working as a governess in the household of Lord Galway, but her friendship with the poet’s family dated to 1818, when she moved to Ambleside to take over the girls’ school that Dora attended.

(22)

Letters, 3:6. She apparently worked as a governess for about a decade, spending six years with the Galways and several more with genteel families near Penrith (LSH, 133).

SH, for one, was immediately impressed, calling her “a most admirable woman & very accomplished in the solid sense of the word.”

(23)

LSH, 133.

DW concurred, observing in October 1818 that Dora seemed “as happy as possible” with her new teacher and that WW and MW had “every reason to be satisfied with the improvement she is making.”

(24)

Letters, 3:496.

Miss Dowling’s future husband came to Ambleside two years later, arriving as a newly credentialed apothecary from Lancaster who would fill the void left by the passing of Richard Scambler. In relatively short order, Mr. Carr became an indispensable medical resource for local families like the Wordsworths, as evidenced by his regular appearances throughout the RJ.

Coleridge, Hartley (1796–1849, age 29, DNB): The brilliant but erratic eldest child of Samuel Taylor and Sarah Coleridge who, after being a regular visitor to RM during his adolescence, still occasionally turned to DW and WW for assistance in his late twenties. Upon graduating from Merton College, Oxford, in 1818, Hartley secured a prestigious fellowship at Oriel College, only to be promptly expelled for insolence and insobriety. After two unfruitful years of trying to support himself writing for London periodicals, he grew resigned to “not expecting much happiness” in life and, heeding his father’s advice, accepted a teaching job at his old school in Ambleside.

(25)

Letters, 4:340n.

Seeing him for the first time in years, a startled DW opined in 1822 that he was “the oddest looking creature you ever saw—not taller than Mr de Quincey—with a beard as black as a raven.”

(26)

Letters, 4:169.

Hartley ultimately spent five unfulfilling years at the school, frequently snubbing invitations from the Wordsworths while lamenting being stuck in a place where “I have hardly an acquaintance of my own sex between 15 and 40.”

(27)

LHC, 80; WLL / Wordsworth, Dora / 1 / 6; WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9.

Coleridge, Sarah (née Fricker, 1770–1845, age 55) and Sara (1802–52, age 23, DNB): The estranged wife of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and her only daughter. Since the early 1800s the Coleridges had lived at Greta Hall in Keswick with the family of Mrs. Coleridge’s sister, Edith Southey. In her early twenties, the younger Sara was already establishing a reputation for literary genius, publishing two acclaimed translations—the first of a history of Paraguay (1822) and the second of the adventures of Chevalier Bayard of France (1825)—with the leading publisher John Murray by her twenty-third birthday.

(28)

Released in Dec. 1824 (but dated 1825) by the powerhouse London publisher John Murray, this two-volume translation was titled The Right Joyous and Pleasant History of the Feats, Gests, and Prowesses of the Chevalier Bayard, the Good Knight without Fear and without Reproach.

During the year covered by Notebook 1, Mrs. Coleridge saw little of her husband or two sons but enjoyed an affectionate relationship with the Southeys and an increasingly warm relationship with the Wordsworths. After the Coleridges spent a fortnight at RM in April 1825, DW reflected, “Adversity is the best school, I believe, for the best of us; and poor Mrs Coleridge has had enough of it, in the shape of humiliation and disappointed hopes concerning the talents of her Sons.” And of the daughter, she wrote, “Dear Sara is a sweet creature, so thoughtful and gentle, patient and persevering—and in conversation not disputatious as she used to be.”

(29)

Letters, 4:346.

Cookson, Thomas (1771–1833, age 54) and Elizabeth (née Mitford, 1775–1868, age 50): Close friends of the Wordsworths who raised their large Unitarian family in Staveley, a rapidly growing industrial area 5 miles northwest of Kendal. Unrelated to the Cooksons of the Wordsworths’ maternal line, the “Kendal Cooksons” were manufacturers of cotton and woolen goods and the bobbins used in mechanical looms. Both parents came from humble roots, as Thomas’s father was a Kendal dyer and Elizabeth’s ran a carpentry shop on Archer St. in London. How they met is unclear, but, after marrying in Westminster in 1798, they settled in Kendal in time for the birth of their first child, Elizabeth (1799–1891, age 26), in late 1799. A few years thereafter they met the Wordsworths through SH, who apparently had been a childhood friend or one of both of them in Kendal.

(30)

LSH, 7–8n.

By 1810 the families had grown intimate enough to be regular guests at one another’s homes, and DW became especially close to Mrs. Cookson and several of their eleven children. In 1825 DW made at least two visits to Kendal to help nurse their chronically ill daughter Elizabeth, and three other Cookson children appear by name in Notebook 1: their second son, James (b. 1803, age 22), who helped run the family mill and whom DW accompanied on various errands from 18–22 June 1825; their third son, John (1804–57, age 21), who visited Rydal in early October 1825 and drove DW home from Kendal later that month; and their youngest son, Edwin (b. 1816, age 9), who gleefully accompanied DW back to RM in mid-February 1825.

Dawson, Ann (b. 1800?, age 25?): A residential housemaid of the Wordsworths from 1823–42. Census records suggest she was born near the start of the century at Wythburn, a village at the foot of Thirlmere between Grasmere and Keswick.

(31)

Ann’s birth year was given as 1798 and 1800, respectively, in the censuses of 1851 and 1861, when she worked as the housekeeper at Broughton Tower in SW Cumbria. The less reliable census of 1841, taken when she was still at RM, gave her age as 40.

Soon after Ann came to RM, DW remarked that she was “admired not for her beauty but for her sensible countenance and respectable appearance.”

(32)

Letters, 4:219.

Like most domestics at RM, she appears only fleetingly in family records, but letters show her accompanying the Wordsworths on their summer holiday to Kents Bank and the RJ registers serious concerns about her health in the autumn of 1825.

(33)

LDW, 41.

De Quincey, Thomas (1785–1859, age 40, DNB) and Margaret (née Simpson, 1796–1837, age 29): The acclaimed essayist, lapsed Wordsworthian, and notorious “opium eater” and the daughter of a Rydal farmer he had married after she became pregnant in 1817. While the Wordsworths were significantly closer to Thomas, they had known his wife longer, with DW predicting in the GJ that “Little Peggy Simpson” would grow up to look as much like her mother “as any rose in her garden is like that Rose that grew there years before.”

(34)

GJ, 77.

Fifteen years on, DW was considerably less flattering, lamenting that her brilliant young friend De Quincey had fallen prey to the “witcheries” of “Miss Sympson, who to all other judgments appeared to be a stupid, heavy girl, and was reckoned a Dunce at Grasmere School.”

(35)

Letters, 3:372. For years thereafter the De Quinceys endured the scorn of their neighbors at RM, often in private but occasionally in public (e.g., Letters, 4:388; WLL / Wordsworth, Mary / 1 / 64).

The De Quinceys spent their first three years of married life at Dove Cottage before their growing family occasioned their move to Fox Ghyll, the Loughrigg home that DW regularly reports visiting in Notebook 1, especially in the weeks after Margaret bore the couple’s fifth child in late 1824. In March 1825, however, Fox Ghyll was sold to the Wordsworths’ friend Letitia Luff, and the De Quinceys were promptly evicted. With her husband then being in London trying to stave off creditors with his pen, Margaret had no recourse but to take temporary refuge with her five children at The Nab, her parents’ farmhouse in Rydal.

Dowling, Mary (1791–1830, age 34), Jane (1795–1851, age 30), and Eliza (1797–1870, age 28): A trio of unmarried younger sisters of Ann Dowling Carr who moved to Ambleside in the early 1820s to teach at her school and then continued to run it after her 1824 marriage.

(36)

SH reported in Sep. 1821 that “a fourth [Dowling] sister is about to join them for they have now as many scholars as ever [–] they mean to take 30 boarders [and] 10 day scholars & they hope the day scholars will decrease” (LSH, 224).

Their father, Vincent (1756–1825), was an Irish journalist and entrepreneur who met his English wife, Elizabeth (née Andrews, 1758–1836), while working as a newspaper correspondent in London in the early 1780s. In 1789 the couple moved to Dublin, where Vincent wrote for various publications, opened a circulating library, and sold patent medicines. By 1805 they returned to London, and the younger Dowling siblings came of age in Kentish Town, a suburb to the northwest of the city. While the sisters all became schoolteachers, two of their three brothers, Vincent George (1785–1852, DNB) and Alfred Septimus (1805–68, DNB), followed in their father’s footsteps as journalists and the third, James (1787–1844, DNB), became a successful attorney and, in 1837, Chief Justice of the British court in Australia.

(37)

See the DNB entries for the three Dowling brothers; Bennett, Sir James Dowling, 1–3; Vincent Dowling’s advertisements in Saunders’s News-Letter, 26 March 1794 and 6 February 1795, and the Star, 16 May 1805; and his obit. in Cambridge Chronicle and Journal, 1 April 1825.

The Wordsworths befriended all four sisters, and, when their parents visited from London in 1823, DW gave them a guided tour of the region.

(38)

Letters, 4:203.

Although it goes unnoticed in the RJ, the Dowlings spent much of the year covered by Notebook 1 mourning their father’s passing in early April 1825. Sara Coleridge expressed particular concern about the “health and spirits” of the youngest, Eliza, who, besides being “sadly wasted by the wear & tear of her wearisome avocations,” seemed especially “out of sorts” in the wake of her father’s death.

(39)

WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9.

Elliott, John (1763?–1835, age 62?) and Anna Maria (née Maltby, 1771–1855, age 54): A well-connected couple from the South East of England whose two-year stint at Ivy Cottage (1823–24) led to a lasting friendship with the Wordsworths.

(40)

The Elliotts technically sublet Ivy Cottage from Edward Quillinan, whose lease extended through the end of 1825 but who had moved south with his two young daughters after his wife’s tragic death in 1822 (LSH, 240; LMW, 119–20).

The son of Rear Admiral George Elliott of Copford, Essex, Mr. Elliott forged a distinguished military career himself, steadily advancing from ensign in 1782 to lieutenant colonel in 1799.

(41)

Reports of his promotions appeared in the annual army lists. The Star (London) for 9 February 1803 amusingly announced that “Lieut. Col. Elliott, of the King’s Dragoon Guards, will thank the Editor of the Star to bring him to life again, as he finds by the Saturday’s Paper that he died of a paralytic stroke.”’

A year after this final promotion, he married Anna Maria Maltby, the eldest surviving daughter of a wealthy merchant of Norwich. In 1804, however, their fortunes abruptly turned, when he was court-martialed for having knowingly sold the army horses that were unfit for action, found guilty, and stripped of his rank and commission.

(42)

James, Collection, 171–73.

Where the Elliotts took refuge in the wake of this calamity is unclear, but there is no indication that any reputational stain followed them north in the 1820s. If anything, their new neighbors initially feared this fashionable and childless couple would find Westmorland life decidedly provincial, with their housekeeper at Ivy Cottage fretting that she would “have some trouble with the new Tenants” and MW spreading advance reports that Mrs. Elliott was “a fine stately woman” who “expected to find in the Cottage the accommodations of a stately Mansion.”

(43)

LMW, 91.

Such anxieties were soon dispelled, however, by the new arrivals’ generosity and conviviality, and the Wordsworths quickly came to rely on both their company and newspaper subscriptions. Just days before the start of Notebook 1, the Elliotts vacated Ivy Cottage and took temporary accommodations in Ambleside. Thereafter they spent much of 1825 in Devonshire with friends before returning to the area that autumn.

(44)

LMW, 119; Letters, 3:145–46, 293.

Harden, John (1772–1847, age 53) and Janet “Jessy” (née Allan, 1776–1837, age 49): An Irish gentleman and accomplished landscape painter who in 1803, two years after the passing of his first wife, married Jessy Allan, the daughter of a prominent Edinburgh banker and the proprietor of the Caledonian Mercury. A year later, the couple took the lease on Brathay Hall, the spacious home southwest of Ambleside where they would spend the next three decades.

(45)

For detailed accounts of John Harden’s artistic pursuits and his family’s life at Brathay, see Foskett’s John Harden and Dybeck’s edition of Jessy’s Journal.

Although the Hardens met the Wordsworths soon after moving to the Lakes, the households began regularly socializing only after their teenaged children grew close in the early 1820s.

(46)

Jessy Harden’s journals for 1804–11 include only two mentions of the Wordsworths. Significantly, though, her entry for 17 February 1805 records how, upon learning that their brother John had died at sea, she and Sophia Lloyd drove to Dove Cottage “to pay a visit of condolence to the poor Wordsworths who are in great distress particularly Miss W. who has been very ill ever since she heard the shocking intelligence: she is next to a state of distraction” (Dybeck [ed.], Jessy’s Journal, 48).

Notebook 1 records numerous interactions between the families of Brathay and RM, but the only Harden child mentioned by name is their eldest daughter Jane Sophia (1807–76, age 18), a celebrated beauty who, according to her friend Dora, was rumored to have briefly been “Lovers” with the Marshalls’ eldest son, William, in late 1824.

(47)

WLL / Wordsworth, Dora / 1 / 6. Of Jane Harden’s beauty, Sara Coleridge wrote in April 1825, “What a fine young woman Miss Harden is grown! . . . Her figure is fine, yet I think she was more elegant & interesting in appearance when she was less florid & full of flesh” (WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9).

Harrison, Benson (1786–1863, age 39) and Dorothy (née Wordsworth, 1800–90, age 25): An iron magnate from Ulverston and the second cousin of WW and DW he married in 1823. Although raised 30 miles away in Whitehaven, “Cousin Dorothy” (as she is often identified in the RJ) became close to her Rydal relations while spending nearly a year at RM in 1813–14. Dubbed “Middle Dorothy” or “Middle Dolly” at the time to avoid confusion, she received lessons from SH and DW and became an older sister figure for the Wordsworths’ three children.

(48)

At the time, DW described the younger Dorothy as “a fine girl” who had become “like an elder Sister” to WW and MW’s children but was “very backward at her Books” (Letters, 2:123).

A decade later, when she was 22, the 36-year-old widower Benson Harrison caught sight of her in an Ulverston shop and was “so enchanted” that he was certain she would “haunt his memory till he made her his bride.”

(49)

In 1902 Canon Rawnsley devoted a chapter to “The Last of the Rydal Dorothys” in his Rambler’s Notebook at the English Lakes. While valuable in other respects, it erroneously asserts that “Middle Dorothy” spent six years (1813–19) at RM as a teenager.

Their ensuing marriage was by all indications a happy one, as both were famously good-tempered and they lived comfortably on his income as heir to one of Britain’s oldest and largest iron foundries.

(50)

Benson Harrison’s late father, Matthew (1753–1824), had started as a steward of the Newland Ironworks but eventually saved enough to buy the company in 1812 (GJ, 170n).

When DW visited their Ulverston home, The Lund, in July 1825 (as recorded in Notebook 1), the Harrisons’ household included his widowed mother, a young daughter from his first marriage, and a one-year-old son from their union. Only weeks after DW’s departure, Cousin Dorothy gave birth to twins, only one of whom survived.

(51)

WG, 6 August 1825.

Honeyman, Mary (1775–1851, age 50): An acquaintance from Penrith who was possibly a childhood friend of the Hutchinson sisters. Miss Honeyman’s father, John (1745–83), came from a long line of Church of Scotland ministers from Kinneff, Aberdeenshire, and he spent eleven years as Penrith’s Presbyterian minister before his untimely death in 1783.

(52)

Colligan, “Penruddock,” 167–68.

Her mother, Jane (née Richardson, 1747–86), died three years later, and there is no record of where or with whom she lived from 1786 until 1806, when tax records list her as a Penrith mantua maker keeping an apprentice. It was likely in this role that Sally Green—one of the family of Grasmere orphans whom the community rallied behind in 1808—went to live with Miss Honeyman in 1810.

(53)

See “A Narrative concerning George & Sarah Green” elsewhere in this edition. Already employed at Allan Bank at the time of her parents’ death, Sally Green (b. 1795) stayed on with the Wordsworths as a residential housemaid until moving in with Miss Honeyman in 1810 (see Letters, 4:392n and receipts for Sally’s expenses in WLMS 5).

Fifteen years later, Miss Honeyman would spend two weeks at RM in October 1825, and near the end of this visit DW wrote, “Miss Honeyman has been staying with us a fortnight – very happy – She has had a whole summer of quiet rambling, and returns with pleasure to her winter duties at Penrith. She has a small house there – has a comfortable independence of her own making, and is able thoroughly to enjoy it. Her good religious and moral principles, and her great desire to be useful provide her with constant enjoyment, so she is not like one put out of place by relinquishing the labours of her Business. Dora and I find her an excellent companion.”

(54)

Letters, 4:392–93.

Jackson, Rev. William (1792–1878, age 33): The son of Grasmere’s long-time rector, Thomas Jackson (1758–1821), who, after attending both Cambridge and Oxford, briefly returned home to teach school (where his pupils included the young John Wordsworth) before becoming Perpetual Curate of St. James’ Church in Whitehaven in 1821. Clearly impressed by this young neighbor, WW maintained in 1816 that “he is without exception one of the most admirable Clergymen for his years that I have known. He is very clever, very zealous, an excellent Scholar, [and] has no discernible northern dialect or pronunciation.”

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Letters, 3:291.

Rev. Jackson remained close to the Wordsworths, especially John, throughout the period of the RJ, with DW openly wishing in 1825 that he were not so “zealous in the performance of his duties,” as it meant his occasional visits back to Grasmere were typically much shorter than she would have preferred.

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Letters, 4:340.

Jewsbury, Maria Jane (1800–33, age 25, DNB): A promising young writer from Manchester who, after dedicating her debut collection, Phantasmagoria, to WW in early 1825, began a correspondence with the poet that quickly blossomed into an intimate friendship with the entire family at RM. Miss Jewsbury, or Jane to her close friends, spent most of her most of her adolescence in Leicestershire, where her father, Thomas (1767–1840), ran a series of only moderately successful textile mills. Seeking a fresh start, he moved his family to Manchester in 1818 and found work selling cotton goods and fire insurance. A year later, however, tragedy struck, when his wife, Maria (née Smith, 1778–1819), died shortly after delivering their seventh child, leaving the then-19-year-old Jane responsible for raising her younger siblings. Despite these heavy domestic obligations and her often debilitating chronic sicknesses, Jewsbury began regularly contributing to the Manchester Gazette in 1821, and by the mid-1820s she seemed poised to join the likes of Letitia Landon, Caroline Bowles, and Felicia Hemans in the vanguard of English “poetesses.” Upon first meeting this vivacious young writer in the spring of 1825, DW called her “a young woman of extraordinary talents, . . . a good Daughter, a good Sister to a numerous Family at the head of which she was left.”

(57)

Letters, 4:405.

The admiration was mutual, as later that year, while confiding a fear of growing old to Dora, Jewsbury mused, “if I could age like your Aunt W – & unite green vigour with grey maturity, it were well – but who is like her?”

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WLMS A / Jewsbury, Maria Jane / 3.

Knott, Susannah (1774?–1828, age 51?): A longtime acquaintance of the Wordsworths who lived at Green Bank, the Ambleside home she had shared with her grandmother, Dorothy Knott (1730–1820), until the latter’s death.

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In 1808 Miss Knott had joined MW, DW, and a few other local women to spearhead relief efforts for the orphaned children of George and Sarah Green (De Sélincourt, “Preface," 20).

Over several generations, the Knotts had steadily risen from ordinary Westmorland statesmen to one of the area’s most affluent and well-connected clans, having intermarried with the Huddlestons of Hutton and Flemings of Rayrigg and Rydal. Prior to its sale in 1802, RM—or “High House,” as it was historically known—had been home to several generations of Knotts.

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Armitt, Rydal, 341–50. Susannah Knott’s will named her cousin Fletcher Fleming and his siblings as her primary beneficiaries.

DW’s repeated visits to Green Bank in Notebook 1 were likely charitable rather than social in nature, as Miss Knott’s 1828 obituary would note that her death had come “after a long illness.”

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Carlisle Patriot, 19 July 1828.

Luff, Letitia (1775–1871, age 50): An exuberant, free-spending widow whose friendship with the Wordsworths dated to the early 1800s, when she and her husband, Charles (d. 1815), were young newlyweds living near Ullswater.

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Although the Wordsworths often referred to Charles as “Capt. Luff,” this was not an official military rank but a semi-honorary title bestowed by Thomas Wedgwood in 1803 when appointing him head of Wedgwood’s Loyal Mountaineers, a voluntary local militia (see Letters, 2:11–12n).

Little is known about either of the Luffs’ backgrounds except that she seems to have come from London and he, according to DW, was “ruined by a bad education and early indulgence with the prospect of an independent and large fortune.”

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Letters, 3:200. The 1841, 1851, and 1861 censuses list Letitia Luff’s birthplace as London; but the 1871 census—taken when she was 96—indicates she was born in Lancashire. The only known marriage record matching their names is for a union solemnized in London on 27 February 1812 between a Charles Luff and a Letitia Morris. While this date roughly corresponds with when the couple passed through London en route to Mauritius, it would mean they posed as husband and wife for over a decade before marrying, possibly as a legal security, before leaving England.

Until 1810 the childless couple lived comfortably in a picturesque Patterdale cottage that DW considered “a paradise.”

(64)

Letters, 2:262.

By late 1811, however, their financial situation had become so dire that they were forced to decamp for Mauritius, where Mr. Luff worked as a colonial paymaster until his untimely death in 1815.

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LSH, 36, 68.

Widowed at forty with little apparent support from extended family, Mrs. Luff remained in Mauritius for two years, residing at the governor’s mansion with the Farquhars. After returning to England with these friends in early 1818, she spent most of the next seven years at the Farquhars’ London townhouse and at Playford Hall, the Suffolk estate of her old Ullswater friends Thomas and Catherine Clarkson.

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LSH, 120; WLL / Clarkson, Thomas / 20 and 24.

By WW’s account, after even a short tenure in Mauritius, Mr. Luff “left enough behind him to make his Widow independent,” and in early 1825 Mrs. Luff used this inheritance to buy her new Loughrigg residence, Fox Ghyll, and begin the ambitious renovations and expansions that for years to come would baffle her frugal friends at RM.

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Letters, 3:256, 4:356. By Catherine Clarkson’s report, Mrs. Luff “brought home 2,000£ besides upwards of five hundred pounds which the Governor has allowed her being the difference of a Captain's & Major's allowance” (WLL / Clarkson, Thomas / 20). She would later successfully appeal for a government pension, which, as recorded in annual issues of the Mauritius Almanac and Civil Service Register, paid a £50 annuity to “Luff, Mrs., widow of an Assistant Paymaster-General.”

By October of 1825 DW had grown so worried that Mrs. Luff’s spending outstripped her £150 annual income as to sermonize, “It is a good thing for women in general to have a master, and Mrs. Luff should always have had one – I mean a legal master; for she will have her own way now that he is gone who had the sole right to manage her.”

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Letters, 4:393.

Marshall, John (1765–1845, age 60, DNB) and Jane (née Pollard, 1772–1849, age 53): A wealthy Leeds industrialist and DW’s closest childhood friend from Halifax. In 1815, after twenty years in Yorkshire, the Marshalls moved to Hallsteads, a stately manor 16 miles northeast of Rydal on the shore of Ullswater. In retirement, Mr. Marshall served as high sheriff of Cumberland from 1821–26 and a Whig MP for Yorkshire from 1826–30. Although his fortune at death was estimated at £1.5–2.5M, the family never supposed themselves above their humbler friends at RM. DW, in particular, was a favorite at Hallsteads, serving as godmother to the Marshalls’ daughter Julia (1809–41) and a surrogate aunt to all eleven of their children.

Myers, Julia (1811–45, age 14): The orphaned daughter of John Myers (1767–1821), a first cousin of the Wordsworths who had been WW’s boon companion at Cambridge and became a London barrister before inheriting Pow House in Cumberland in 1813.

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Barker 47, 543; Letters, 4:2n.

In the years between losing her mother, Rachel (née Bridge, 1775–1817), in 1817 and her father in 1821, Julia had begun attending the Dowlings’ girls’ school in Ambleside. And, after the latter tragedy, she stayed on at the school and spent most of her holidays with her nearby relations, the Wordsworths and the Robinsons.

North, Ford (1764–1842, age 61) and Sarah (née Ashworth, 1769–1829, age 56): The Wordsworths’ predecessors at RM who lived thereafter in Ambleside, where they raised their large family at The Oaks and Mr. North worked as an estate agent and farmed the land adjacent to Brathay Hall.

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Foskett, John Harden, 23; Jessy’s Journal, 52.

Notices of the couple’s 1800 wedding identify him as hailing from Liverpool—where his father was a successful merchant and his maternal grandfather an eminent ironmaster—and her from Manchester.

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CP, 13 May 1800; Fell, Early Iron Industry, 273.

In 1802 they purchased RM from the house’s ancestral owners, the Knotts, and, after initially using it for holidays, they made it their primary residence in 1805.

(72)

Whereas the Norths’ third child, Richard, was born and christened in Liverpool in early 1804, their fourth, Henry, was born in Rydal in late 1805.

During the family’s relatively brief stay in Rydal, they apparently made few friends, with DW writing in 1809 that Mr. North was “a Man hated by all his Neighbours” and other reports suggesting that Mrs. North attracted general ire for setting herself up as the local Lady Bountiful during the community’s 1808 relief efforts for the Green orphans.

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Letters, 2:232, 339; Sélincourt, A Narrative, 22.

Aggravated, on their end, by lingering disputes with neighbors over tax rates and timber rights, the Norths sold RM to Lady Diana le Fleming of Rydal Hall in early 1813 and prepared to move to Ambleside.

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Armitt, Rydal, 350.

Their sluggish departure from RM—despite knowing that the new tenants, the Wordsworths, were anxious to move in—only heightened friction between the families, with even the mild-mannered DW claiming she had lost all inclination to “repent” for “having spoken so ill-naturedly of the Norths” in the past.

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Letters, 3:89–90.

Over the ensuing decade, however, old grudges faded, largely because of friendships that grew up among the younger generation, and the RJ record the Wordsworths and Norths socializing surprisingly often given their earlier history.

(76)

Tensions had eased sufficiently by 1823 that WW went so far as to heartily recommended Ford North for an open magistracy (Letters, 4:235).

Robinson, Capt. Charles (1788–1864, age 37) and Charlotte (née Kearsley, 1798–1862, age 27): WW and DW’s first cousin once removed and the daughter of a successful Manchester merchant he had married in 1822. Capt. Robinson’s mother, Mary (née Myers, 1765–1852), was the second wife of Adm. Hugh Robinson (1736–1802), a highly decorated naval officer who retired to York with a fortune estimated at £30,000.

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Some Account, 54–57.

As his parents’ firstborn, Charles was groomed for his father’s profession and went to sea at fourteen. After fighting the French for eight years in the East Indies and another five in the Mediterranean and North Sea, he retired after the peace of 1815 and married the former Miss Kearsley in York seven years later.

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Some Account, 57–58.

In 1823 the newlyweds moved to Rydal, where SH reported their hosting “gay musical parties & what not.”

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LSH, 28

By the time of the RJ, however, the Robinsons’ social life had been significantly curtailed by their growing family, including the twins whose January 1825 births are chronicled in Notebook 1.

Robinson, Lt. Thomas (1794–1838): A younger brother of Capt. Charles Robinson—and, hence, WW and DW’s first cousin once removed—who spent the autumn of 1825 among his relatives in the Lakes. Like his older brother, Tom went to sea in his early teens, and he ultimately spent twelve years in the Baltic, Mediterranean, North Sea, and Atlantic before being promoted to lieutenant in 1819. By then, he was beginning to contemplate life on land, and while visiting Ambleside during the summer of 1823 he apparently became so enamored of the then-19-year-old Dora as to, unbeknownst to her parents, broach the subject of marriage.

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During the lieutenant’s previous visit in the summer of 1825, DW had remarked how eager this “pleasant young man” was to offer his services as Dora’s “protector on her walks” (Letters, 4:218).

Anxious about his return to the area two years later, Dora confided to Jane Jewsbury, “my Cousin made his appearance at the foot of the hill yesterday – he drank tea with us last night – I somehow think he will not recur to the old subject but still it keeps me in fear & trembling & I have made up my mind to tell my Aunt if he says anything more to me & leave to her the agreeable task of answering for me.”

(81)

LDW, 26. Notebook 1 clarifies that Dora composed this undated letter on 9 October, not in September (as tentatively suggested in LDW).

Judging from the RJ, any attempts Dora or her Aunt Dorothy made to dissuade the 31-year-old “beau from York,” as MW had dubbed him in September, were ineffectual, as Notebook 1 shows the cousins being largely inseparable between his arrival on 8 October and her parents’ return from Coleorton on 17 November.

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LMW, 122. That news of Tom’s pursuit had reached Dora’s parents and Aunt Sara in Coleorton by 3 November is evident in a letter in which SH bluntly dismisses any possible union between these two comparatively poor cousins, insisting, “Tom Robinson finds Rydal so attractive that he is a poor support to his Mother – This is news for Mary [Wordsworth], but she need not fear taxation, on the part of the Lady – Dora I mean – & the youth also is too wise” (WLMS H / 1 / 6 / 5).

Thereafter, Tom’s attentions were presumably more discrete, but such was his ardor that, after leaving the area early in the new year, he made his case in writing to WW. The poet responded “instantly” and decisively, thanking his relation for being forthright but bluntly refusing permission on the entirely unromantic grounds that it would be better for all parties if the lieutenant were instead to “look out for some lady with sufficient fortune for both of you,” as “ladies of some fortune are as easily won as those without, and for the most part as deserving.”

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Letters, 4:423–24.

Conclusively rebuffed, Tom gave up the pursuit and retired to Clifton, where he died a bachelor in 1838.

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Some Account, 60–61.

Scambler, Alice (née Bownass, 1781–1856, age 44): An Ambleside widow whose husband, Richard (1782–1820), had been the Wordsworths’ physician from the time he opened his practice in 1808 until his death in 1820. DW held the late Mr. Scambler in great affection, especially after his valiant but futile efforts to save WW and MW’s infant daughter Catherine in 1812, when she assured MW and WW, “If you had seen Mr Scambler – if you had seen the humility, the tenderness, the watchfulness with which he administered the medicines – if you had heard him speak with the calm confidence and satisfaction that we did you would have been satisfied.”

(85)

Letters, 8:139.

His unexpected death left his wife and nine children largely destitute, and DW’s journals show the women of RM making regular charitable visits to Walton Cottage, the Scamblers’ Ambleside home. The family would remain in the area until 1838, when, by MW’s report, Mrs. Scambler, her daughter Elizabeth, “and all the rest of them, poor things, including a grandchild” left “Ambleside, bag and baggage.”

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LMW, 203.

Southey, Robert (1774–1843, age 51, DNB and Edith (née Fricker, 1774–1837, age 51): WW’s fellow “Lake Poet” (and, since 1812, the nation’s poet laureate) and the daughter of a Bristol milliner he had married in 1795, shortly after his fellow “pantisocrat” Samuel Taylor Coleridge had married Edith’s older sister Sarah. Since 1803 the Southeys and Coleridges had lived together at Greta Hall in Keswick, with the former helping to compensate for the financial and emotional support that was increasingly unforthcoming from Mrs. Coleridge’s husband. Despite being routinely linked together in the public mind, Southey and WW were more rivals than friends for the first decade of their acquaintance, especially after Southey published a withering review of Lyrical Ballads in 1798. DW initially shared her brother’s disdain, believing Southey showed “nothing of the dignity or enthusiasm of the Poet’s Character”; but her opinion was irrevocably changed in 1805 by his compassionate response to her brother John’s tragic death, as he “was so tender and kind that I loved him all at once – he wept with us in our sorrow, and for that cause I think I must always love him.”

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Letters, 1:577.

Over ensuing decades the families grew increasingly close, and the RJ show both the older and younger generations regularly exchanging visits lasting between a few hours and several weeks. Five of the Southeys’ eight children survived through 1825, but only two, Bertha (1809–77, age 16) and Kate (1810–64, age 15), appear in Notebook 1. In the autumn of 1825 these teenaged girls spent two weeks at RM with DW, SH, and their friend Dora, and afterward DW called them both “delightful girls” but singled out Bertha as “an especial favourite of mine.”

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Letters, 4:395.

Tillbrook, Rev. Samuel (1783–1835, age 42): The son of a Suffolk silversmith who, after attending the free school in Bury St. Edmunds, was admitted to Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he earned a BA and an MA and went on to spend two decades as the college’s bursar and a popular tutor.

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Butler, Life and Letters, 1:111–12. See also Tillbrook’s obit. in the Norfolk Chronicle for 23 May 1835 and his mother’s in the Bury and Norwich Post for 8 July 1835.

After meeting him through their mutual friends the Clarksons in 1809, DW wrote that “we liked Mr Tillbrook very much for his unaffected manners,” but, presumably alluding to his laboring-class roots, she also noted “a coarseness, a want of polish about him which might be smoothed away with advantage.”

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Letters, 2:368–69.

Eight years later, as a confirmed bachelor in his mid-thirties, Tillbrook bought Ivy Cottage at the bottom of Rydal Hill. Since his commitments at Peterhouse precluded inhabiting the house for much of the year, he typically leased it out, and over time several of his tenants—including the Quillinans, Gees, and Elliotts—became intimates of the Wordsworths. While Tillbrook himself developed a cordial relationship with his neighbors, he never became as close to WW as he was to Robert Southey.

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S. Butler, Life and Letters, 1:112, 191.

Watson, Dorothy (née Wilson, 1752–1831): The widow of Richard Watson, Bishop of Llandaff (1737–1816, DNB), of Calgarth Hall near Bowness. The late bishop had been a towering figure on the national stage, earning separate reputations as a Cambridge chemist, “improving” agriculturalist, Whig politician, and liberal prelate.

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Mason, “Larches,” 435–42.

After retiring to Calgarth in the 1790s, this favorite son of the region quickly became, by De Quincey’s account, “the leading person about the Lakes, as regarded rank and station.”

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“Samuel Taylor Coleridge,” 686.

If anything, the bishop’s wife had an even more elite Westmerian pedigree, being the granddaughter of Sir William Fleming of Rydal Hall on her mother’s side and the long-time MP Daniel Wilson of Dallam Tower on her father’s. After her husband’s passing in 1816, Mrs. Watson remained at Calgarth with her five unmarried daughters: Dorothy (1777–1831, age 48), Harriet (1779–1835, age 46), Elizabeth (1780–1859, age 45), Charlotte (1783–1859, age 42), and Mary (1785–1847, age 40).

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The lives of these spinster sisters were not altogether devoid of romance, however, as in 1812 the eldest, Dorothy, provided fodder for local gossips by carrying on a romantic intrigue with John Christian Curwen, a Windermere grandee who, besides being married and twenty years her senior, was one of her father’s closest friends. Gleefully reporting this “scandalam magnatum” to a friend, Southey noted that Curwen “confesses to impudence but vows & protests innocence as to any thing farther.” To this, Southey spitefully added that Miss Watson’s “beauty affords about as much excuse as his youth &…

While the Watsons and Wordsworths rarely interacted during the bishop’s lifetime, they became increasingly friendly thereafter, partly as a reflecting of the Wordsworths’ increasing standing both in the community and beyond. The RJ show the families exchanging visits a few times each year, and DW noted in a February 1826 letter that “at Rydal we get no new publications except through Southey – and sometimes from the Watsons of Calgarth (the Bishop’s Daughters).”

Key Places in Notebook 1

Ambleside (pop. 1,095

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All population figures are from the 1831 census tables republished by the Cumbria History Trust.

; 2 miles southeast of Rydal): Central Lakes market town where the Wordsworths received their mail, socialized, and did much of their shopping.

 

Brathay Hall (3 miles south of Rydal in Ambleside): Estate on the north shore of Windermere that was the Hardens’ home from 1804 to 1834.

Calgarth Hall (5 miles south of Rydal): Estate near Troutbeck on the northeast shore of Windermere that since 1791 had been the residence of the Watsons, the family of the Bishop of Llandaff.

Fox Ghyll (1 mile south of Rydal): Cottage along the River Rothay in the hamlet of Loughrigg occupied by the De Quinceys between 1820 and the spring of 1825, when they were turned out by its new owner, Letitia Luff.

Grasmere (pop. 395; 2 miles west of Rydal): Village where the Wordsworths resided from 1799 to 1813 and continued to attend church until Rydal Chapel opened in late 1824.

 

Ivy Cottage: Home (now the Glen Rothay Hotel) down the hill from Rydal Mount owned by Samuel Tillbrooke from 1817 to 1831 and occupied at various times by such friends of the Wordsworths as the Gees, Elliotts, and Quillinans.

Kendal (pop. 10,015; 15 miles southeast of Rydal): Market town and southern gateway to the Lakes that the Wordsworths frequently visited to shop, conduct business, and stay with the Cooksons.

Low Wood (3 miles south of Rydal): Site on Windermere’s east shore known for its annual regatta and the luxury hotel of which WW said, “No inn in the whole district is so agreeably situated for water views and excursions.”

Keswick (pop. 2,159; 15 miles northwest of Rydal): Market town in north-central Westmorland in which the Coleridges and Southeys resided at Greta Hall.

Langdale (pop. 314): The sparsely-populated valley south of Loughrigg Fell that includes the hamlets of Great Langdale (4 miles west of Rydal) and Little Langdale (4.5 miles south-west of Rydal). The Wordsworths frequently took visitors there to see Elterwater, the waterfall at Dungeon Ghyll, and the spectacular views of the Langdale Pikes.

Loughrigg: Loughrigg Fell is the 1,100-foot-high hill that, from Rydal Mount, looms over Rydal Water; Loughrigg also signified the general locale of the homes on and below the fell.

Rydal (pop. 315 [combined with Loughrigg]): Wooded, residential hamlet between Ambleside and Grasmere where DW, WW, and MW resided, at Rydal Mount, from 1813 until their deaths in the 1850s.

Troutbeck (pop. 349; 5 miles southeast of Rydal): Hamlet near Ambleside in which the Barlows resided at The Wood.

Notes

1. RJ, 4 June 1825 (and note); Letters, 4:354. [back]
2. Letters, 4:332. [back]
3. Barker, 559–60. [back]
4. LHC, 87. [back]
5. The depth and immediacy of Dora’s attachment to Jewsbury is apparent both in the satirical newspaper they co-wrote that summer at Kents Bank (see WLMS A / Jewsbury, Maria Jane / 52) and in their frank, exuberant, and ardent correspondence in the months that followed. [back]
6. Letters, 4:239. [back]
7. Letters, 4:345. [back]
8. LMW, 117. SH’s satirical gifts are evident throughout virtually every page of LSH. [back]
9. Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 17 Mar. 1832. For the original owner and construction of Gell’s Cottage (now known as Silverhow), see GJ, 161–62. [back]
10. Chester Courant, 12 Jan. 1796. Over the years, Woollam sold a range of products, including flax, soap, iron, fire insurance, and silk (see advertisements in the Chester Courant for 3 Nov. 1767, 19 Nov. 1776, 29 Oct. 1782, and 2 Oct. 1787). [back]
11. Penelope Woollam announced the new partnership in the Chester Courant for 26 Dec. 1797. The amusing life sketch that Edward Quillinan wrote in his journal on the day of Barber’s passing (6 Mar. 1832) mentions his adventures in London and Paris (WLMS 13 / 2), and an 1808 property deed lists Samuel and his brother Watkin Robert Barber residing on Throgmorton St. in central London (Denbighshire Archives, item #DD/PP/138). The brothers may have originally moved there to manage the silk-throwing operation in nearby St. Albans. [back]
12. See MW’s complaint in early 1824 that Mr. Barber’s obsessive renovations were “too ridiculous for anything” (LMW, 107). [back]
13. Letters, 4:33. [back]
14. See Worsley, “Middlethorpe”; the Barlows’ marriage notice in Leeds Intelligencer for 12 January 1807; and John Barlow’s obit. in Stamford Mercury for 30 April 1813. [back]
15. Letters, 4:378. [back]
17. Letters, 4:225. [back]
18. LMW, 82. [back]
20. Letters, 5:79, 428; LMW, 228; obits. in Hampshire Chronicle, 30 July 1827 and City Chronicle, 1 Dec. 1840. [back]
21. WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9. In the same letter, she called Mr. Carr “a treasure” of the area, reporting that “the Wordsworths & other persons who have had experience of his good sense, & skill in his profession, have the highest opinion of both.” See also Letters, 4:31, 63. [back]
22. Letters, 3:6. She apparently worked as a governess for about a decade, spending six years with the Galways and several more with genteel families near Penrith (LSH, 133). [back]
23. LSH, 133. [back]
24. Letters, 3:496. [back]
25. Letters, 4:340n. [back]
26. Letters, 4:169. [back]
27. LHC, 80; WLL / Wordsworth, Dora / 1 / 6; WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9. [back]
28. Released in Dec. 1824 (but dated 1825) by the powerhouse London publisher John Murray, this two-volume translation was titled The Right Joyous and Pleasant History of the Feats, Gests, and Prowesses of the Chevalier Bayard, the Good Knight without Fear and without Reproach. [back]
29. Letters, 4:346. [back]
30. LSH, 7–8n. [back]
31. Ann’s birth year was given as 1798 and 1800, respectively, in the censuses of 1851 and 1861, when she worked as the housekeeper at Broughton Tower in SW Cumbria. The less reliable census of 1841, taken when she was still at RM, gave her age as 40. [back]
32. Letters, 4:219. [back]
33. LDW, 41. [back]
34. GJ, 77. [back]
35. Letters, 3:372. For years thereafter the De Quinceys endured the scorn of their neighbors at RM, often in private but occasionally in public (e.g., Letters, 4:388; WLL / Wordsworth, Mary / 1 / 64). [back]
36. SH reported in Sep. 1821 that “a fourth [Dowling] sister is about to join them for they have now as many scholars as ever [–] they mean to take 30 boarders [and] 10 day scholars & they hope the day scholars will decrease” (LSH, 224). [back]
37. See the DNB entries for the three Dowling brothers; Bennett, Sir James Dowling, 1–3; Vincent Dowling’s advertisements in Saunders’s News-Letter, 26 March 1794 and 6 February 1795, and the Star, 16 May 1805; and his obit. in Cambridge Chronicle and Journal, 1 April 1825. [back]
38. Letters, 4:203. [back]
40. The Elliotts technically sublet Ivy Cottage from Edward Quillinan, whose lease extended through the end of 1825 but who had moved south with his two young daughters after his wife’s tragic death in 1822 (LSH, 240; LMW, 119–20). [back]
41. Reports of his promotions appeared in the annual army lists. The Star (London) for 9 February 1803 amusingly announced that “Lieut. Col. Elliott, of the King’s Dragoon Guards, will thank the Editor of the Star to bring him to life again, as he finds by the Saturday’s Paper that he died of a paralytic stroke.”’ [back]
42. James, Collection, 171–73. [back]
43. LMW, 91. [back]
44. LMW, 119; Letters, 3:145–46, 293. [back]
45. For detailed accounts of John Harden’s artistic pursuits and his family’s life at Brathay, see Foskett’s John Harden and Dybeck’s edition of Jessy’s Journal. [back]
46. Jessy Harden’s journals for 1804–11 include only two mentions of the Wordsworths. Significantly, though, her entry for 17 February 1805 records how, upon learning that their brother John had died at sea, she and Sophia Lloyd drove to Dove Cottage “to pay a visit of condolence to the poor Wordsworths who are in great distress particularly Miss W. who has been very ill ever since she heard the shocking intelligence: she is next to a state of distraction” (Dybeck [ed.], Jessy’s Journal, 48). [back]
47. WLL / Wordsworth, Dora / 1 / 6. Of Jane Harden’s beauty, Sara Coleridge wrote in April 1825, “What a fine young woman Miss Harden is grown! . . . Her figure is fine, yet I think she was more elegant & interesting in appearance when she was less florid & full of flesh” (WLMS A / Coleridge, Sara / 9). [back]
48. At the time, DW described the younger Dorothy as “a fine girl” who had become “like an elder Sister” to WW and MW’s children but was “very backward at her Books” (Letters, 2:123). [back]
49. In 1902 Canon Rawnsley devoted a chapter to “The Last of the Rydal Dorothys” in his Rambler’s Notebook at the English Lakes. While valuable in other respects, it erroneously asserts that “Middle Dorothy” spent six years (1813–19) at RM as a teenager. [back]
50. Benson Harrison’s late father, Matthew (1753–1824), had started as a steward of the Newland Ironworks but eventually saved enough to buy the company in 1812 (GJ, 170n). [back]
51. WG, 6 August 1825. [back]
52. Colligan, “Penruddock,” 167–68. [back]
53. See “A Narrative concerning George & Sarah Green” elsewhere in this edition. Already employed at Allan Bank at the time of her parents’ death, Sally Green (b. 1795) stayed on with the Wordsworths as a residential housemaid until moving in with Miss Honeyman in 1810 (see Letters, 4:392n and receipts for Sally’s expenses in WLMS 5). [back]
54. Letters, 4:392–93. [back]
55. Letters, 3:291. [back]
56. Letters, 4:340. [back]
57. Letters, 4:405. [back]
59. In 1808 Miss Knott had joined MW, DW, and a few other local women to spearhead relief efforts for the orphaned children of George and Sarah Green (De Sélincourt, “Preface," 20). [back]
60. Armitt, Rydal, 341–50. Susannah Knott’s will named her cousin Fletcher Fleming and his siblings as her primary beneficiaries. [back]
61. Carlisle Patriot, 19 July 1828. [back]
62. Although the Wordsworths often referred to Charles as “Capt. Luff,” this was not an official military rank but a semi-honorary title bestowed by Thomas Wedgwood in 1803 when appointing him head of Wedgwood’s Loyal Mountaineers, a voluntary local militia (see Letters, 2:11–12n). [back]
63. Letters, 3:200. The 1841, 1851, and 1861 censuses list Letitia Luff’s birthplace as London; but the 1871 census—taken when she was 96—indicates she was born in Lancashire. The only known marriage record matching their names is for a union solemnized in London on 27 February 1812 between a Charles Luff and a Letitia Morris. While this date roughly corresponds with when the couple passed through London en route to Mauritius, it would mean they posed as husband and wife for over a decade before marrying, possibly as a legal security, before leaving England. [back]
64. Letters, 2:262. [back]
65. LSH, 36, 68. [back]
66. LSH, 120; WLL / Clarkson, Thomas / 20 and 24. [back]
67. Letters, 3:256, 4:356. By Catherine Clarkson’s report, Mrs. Luff “brought home 2,000£ besides upwards of five hundred pounds which the Governor has allowed her being the difference of a Captain's & Major's allowance” (WLL / Clarkson, Thomas / 20). She would later successfully appeal for a government pension, which, as recorded in annual issues of the Mauritius Almanac and Civil Service Register, paid a £50 annuity to “Luff, Mrs., widow of an Assistant Paymaster-General.” [back]
68. Letters, 4:393. [back]
69. Barker 47, 543; Letters, 4:2n. [back]
70. Foskett, John Harden, 23; Jessy’s Journal, 52. [back]
71. CP, 13 May 1800; Fell, Early Iron Industry, 273. [back]
72. Whereas the Norths’ third child, Richard, was born and christened in Liverpool in early 1804, their fourth, Henry, was born in Rydal in late 1805. [back]
73. Letters, 2:232, 339; Sélincourt, A Narrative, 22. [back]
74. Armitt, Rydal, 350. [back]
75. Letters, 3:89–90. [back]
76. Tensions had eased sufficiently by 1823 that WW went so far as to heartily recommended Ford North for an open magistracy (Letters, 4:235). [back]
77. Some Account, 54–57. [back]
78. Some Account, 57–58. [back]
79. LSH, 28 [back]
80. During the lieutenant’s previous visit in the summer of 1825, DW had remarked how eager this “pleasant young man” was to offer his services as Dora’s “protector on her walks” (Letters, 4:218). [back]
81. LDW, 26. Notebook 1 clarifies that Dora composed this undated letter on 9 October, not in September (as tentatively suggested in LDW). [back]
82. LMW, 122. That news of Tom’s pursuit had reached Dora’s parents and Aunt Sara in Coleorton by 3 November is evident in a letter in which SH bluntly dismisses any possible union between these two comparatively poor cousins, insisting, “Tom Robinson finds Rydal so attractive that he is a poor support to his Mother – This is news for Mary [Wordsworth], but she need not fear taxation, on the part of the Lady – Dora I mean – & the youth also is too wise” (WLMS H / 1 / 6 / 5). [back]
83. Letters, 4:423–24. [back]
84. Some Account, 60–61. [back]
85. Letters, 8:139. [back]
86. LMW, 203. [back]
87. Letters, 1:577. [back]
88. Letters, 4:395. [back]
89. Butler, Life and Letters, 1:111–12. See also Tillbrook’s obit. in the Norfolk Chronicle for 23 May 1835 and his mother’s in the Bury and Norwich Post for 8 July 1835. [back]
90. Letters, 2:368–69. [back]
91. S. Butler, Life and Letters, 1:112, 191. [back]
92. Mason, “Larches,” 435–42. [back]
93. “Samuel Taylor Coleridge,” 686. [back]
94. The lives of these spinster sisters were not altogether devoid of romance, however, as in 1812 the eldest, Dorothy, provided fodder for local gossips by carrying on a romantic intrigue with John Christian Curwen, a Windermere grandee who, besides being married and twenty years her senior, was one of her father’s closest friends. Gleefully reporting this “scandalam magnatum” to a friend, Southey noted that Curwen “confesses to impudence but vows & protests innocence as to any thing farther.” To this, Southey spitefully added that Miss Watson’s “beauty affords about as much excuse as his youth & inexperience” (Collected Letters, Letter 2169 [2 November 1812]). [back]
95. All population figures are from the 1831 census tables republished by the Cumbria History Trust. [back]